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UBRARYOFCONSRESS 



013 786 509 9 




ADDRESS 

DELIVERED BEFORE THE GRANT AND COLFAX CLUB 

OF CHESTER, 

By Gen. EuF^ BEAJLiHj, 



Fellow-Citizens: — When I had the honor 
to address you a few short weeks ago, we were 
pushing forward in the full confidence of a vic- 
tory we have since obtained. Practically, the 
election is decided, but we must not rest con- 
tented with simple success on this occasion; on 
the contrary, we must re-double our exertions, 
so that so great a majority shall be given in 
November as to convince the world of the su- 
premacy of Republican sentiment throughout 
our entire country. We must do for the South 
now, what would have been done but for a de- 
linquent President — the heir of an appalling 
crime — at the conclusion of the rebellion: teach 
it that treason, neither armed or under the 
cloak of politics, can ever succeed on Ameri- 
can soil. We must convince them it is a wick- 
ed was^e of time, and an encouragement of 
crime, disorder, aud ruin to themselves, to at- 
tempt a defiance of the awful majesty of the 
will of a free people determined to uphold 
the institutions of their country. Let the South 
look to it — let her give up a vain struggle to 
uphold the wrong against the right. Let her 
cease to carry about forever in her breast the 
serpent of Secession, which as often as she 
warms it into life will strike its poisonous fangs 
into her vitals. Tlie example which the North 
has set her slie has not followed. We disband- 
ed armies larger tiian hers, and our people have 
returned themselves to al! the arts of Peace, 
and under its influence every branch of trade is 
reviving; but the South, tempted by a fatal 



delusion, is encouraging all the idleness and dis- 
order of a period of war without the pretext 
of even a bad cause, which lent it something 
of dignity. The dreadful crime of Booth finds 
its imitators in the hideous assassins of the Ku- 
Klux-Klan, and the wholesale slaughter of great 
battles which shook the continent with their 
thunders, is imitated in the comparatively noise- 
less but incessant murder of loyal men. 

It is time to put a stop to all this. Let the 
Southern people give up murder as a fine art 
and go heartily to work to cultivate the fields 
instead of wasting time in complaints of their 
desolation. I do not know, but sometimes I 
despair of the South, when I see her apparent- 
ly bent on her oion misery and self-destruction. 

It brings one to recall the dreadful vision of 
Dante, and to the belief that man and serpent 
have grown inseparable there. In that awful 
picture he draws, bespeaks of standing on the 
shores of that dread lake wliose waves are fire 
breaking on shores of brimslone, when he 
saw walking there a newly arrived culprit doom- 
ed to eternal punishment. As he advanced, 
along that gloomy beach, suddenly a serpent — 
six legged and loathsome to behold — sprang 
from the rocks upon him. Soon its long claws 
were fastened in his shoulders, his sides, his 
loins, and its slimy mouth sucked from his vic- 
tim the bieath of his lungs; and presently the 
sharp talons imbedded in the flesh grew to be 
a part of the man, the bodies grew together, 
and man and serpent locked in that fatal union 



.B3U 



became one with each other, and went forever 
about the dreary shores of hell, filled with mu- 
tual and unavailing loathing, and cursing God. 
Oh, people of the South, while it is yet time, 
turn from the error of your ways. The whole 
North credit you with possession of many vir- 
tues, but you are the victim of your own fol- 
lies, wliich are fast growing to be a part of you, 
and which will soon become rooted and insepa- 
rable in your bodies, and far beyond all power 
of excision. Turn to the North, not as your 
enemy, but as your friend, and recognize grate- 
fully the magnanimous generosity of your con- 
querors, who are willing to raise from the dust 
their rebellious biothers and restore them every 
forfeited right of citizens; but you must not ex- 
pect to dictate to us as in former times before 
your great crime, or to cajole us into an obli- 
vion of justice, which should always accom- 
pany raei-cy. You must not ask us to forget 
or abandon those of your people who dared 
every persecution at your hands, rather than 
bow the knee to the hideous idol which you 
have substituted for the Goddess of Liberty. — 
We owe the loyal union men of the South pro- 
tection, and we mean to give it. 

Nor must you ask us to forget the humble 
freedman whose rights we will defend as long 
as we remember his defence of our own. — 
Cease then, we say to you, towage an imavail. 
ing war against the splendid destiny we invite 
you to share with us. Come and join us as 
brothers. Show your repentance by a cordial 
obedience to the law. Arouse yourselves and 
put a stoj) to the carnival and growing appetite 
for violence which should have ceased with the 
war. and occupy yourselves with similar indus- 
try in a cheerful and genial development of the 
beautiful country you inhabit, tlien, and only 
then, we will extend to you not only the hand 
of welcome, but open our arms, our very 
hearts, and take you to them "with Charity 
for all, and malice toward none." 

And now a word to the North — to the great 
war Democracy of the North, whom every 
Republican feels is worthy of his respect and 
friendship, and who stood shoulder to shoulder 
with the Boys in Blue, when our comn.on 
country called for their aid. We differ from 



them in opinion, l)nt wo caniiol ])u! icspcct 'bom 
for the proofs they have given (if jiatriotism; 
but for the wretched class of traitois— the 
vile followers and scurvy imitators of such in- 
famous wretches as Vallandigham and his 
class, I can find no terms of contempt in which 
to clothe my language vvhen I think of them. 
Think how they strove to crawl upon their 
knees to the footstool of that demon of cruel- 
ty and vindicliveness, Davis. Tliink how, as 
often as he kicked them with haughty i)ride 
away, they at last sought to gain his fiendish 
heart by bringing the very plague itself into 
tlieir own country. Ah, God foi'bid we should 
ever permit one of the wretched gang of do- 
mestic traitors to hold authority in the land 
they would have destjoyed. But to wai' De- 
mocrats — we appeal with extended hands as to 
brothers — why will you withold your support 
from pi'incijJes to which you are greatly attach- 
ed, and give up all your ancient loyalty to the 
cause of freedom fur a nanie — it is only a name 
— which now hokls you together as a party? 
Let me ask, if you were greatly attached to a 
particular form of religion, willing to die for it, 
to be burned at the stake, to suffer the loss of 
every earthly thing for it, and in the mutation 
of time it took, by accident, another name, 
carrying with it, and retaining all its vital 
principles however, and that the old name by 
which you had first known it, had been usurp- 
ed by those who had reviled and persecuted 
you under it, and they too retaining their vital 
principles — would you be so dull as to join 
your persecutors for the sake of the name, or 
would you follow your principles under their 
new name? This is exactly the case with 
you now. Under Jackson you were perse- 
cuted by millification, until he leading you put 
I under his heel, but unhappily did not kill, 
only choked it a little. Now, under Lincoln, 
I revives w ith tenfold vigor, and because we 
h.iv" changed our name since Jackson's days, 
but "ctained his principles, you cannot free 
yourselves from the tyranny of custom, but join 
his enemies and ouis against your own former 
principles under the influence of a name. — 
Every piinciiile we offer you is Democratic 
and Kepubhcan — Equality of all before the 



law — A gnvei'iiineiit by tlio will of the majori- 
ty of the people — Honesty in the discharge of 
^ national obi illations. All these are Deuio- 
■"^ cratic enough, one would think, and last of all, 
we say, with your great Jackson, the Union 
M must and shall be preserved. Against tins 
CO place the weak and silly shibboleth, that this 
is a white man's government, which means 
nothing more or less than luiUitication again, 
by declaring null and void the acts of Con- 
gress, precisely as Calhoun proposed in 1832. 
Give up then this servile adherence foa name, 
which like a M'ithered flower has lost all the 
color and the perfume which made it beauti- 
ful, and come and pluck with us the ever- 
living amaranth of pure republican growth. 
It is Republican institutions which we wish 
to found, to secure, to perpetuate, and the 
mere name under which we are successful, for 
successful we are determined to be, does not 
matter in the least. 

"How is it tlie principles did not keep the 
name?'' I hear soniQ one ask. I do not know; 
but having used religion as an illusti-atiou, 1 
propose to continue it. 

The Catholic church was undoubtedly the 
first Christian congregation; but after long 
years of unopposed power and supremacy, it 
grew corrupt. Indulgences to commit crime 
were sold publicly by a priest named Tetzel, 
— a sort of mediasval Snovl-den. Luther, an- 
other priest, protested against this, and bni'ned 
the Papal bulls at V/ittemberg, making a sort 
of literary ox-roast of them; because, I suppose, 
he was tired of a diet of Vforms, and reformed 
the Catholic religion — so many thousands then. 
and many millions since thought — and his 
Catholic principles unchanged — only purified 
— took the name of Protestant, because he pro- 
tested against abuses in the church. Xow no 
one supposes that Martin Luther changed the 
religion of Christ. He did in religion just what 
in pt>litics v.e did. In fact, the IJepublican party 
are simply Protcslant Democrats — protesting 
against the designs of a Democratic Pope, and 
his right to arrogate 1o himself political infalli- 
bility, or the divine right of slavery and rebel- 
lion, or to make false naturalization papers at 
the rate of hundreds a day. Listen to what 



Judge Agnew says in his letter to the Prolhono- 

tary Tetzel — Snowden, I mean: 

"In twelve ividicial days, from the 31st day of 
September to the 3(1 day of Oetoher inclusive, "you 
have permitted to bf run throuRh 5,458 sets of pa- 
pers averaginj; only 39 seconds for each set. The 
whole number on " the 28th was 720. averaging 
only 25 seconds to a set." 

Or, to make a homely illustration: for the 
first batch of thirty-nine seconds eacli, four 
full-fledged American citizens, clothed with all 
the privileges of freemen, created while Dex- 
ter would trot a fast mile heat. But trotting 
got too slow, and on the 28th they brought it 
down to twenty-five ser^onds each, or in about 
the time Lexington could run a mile dash, that 
four citizens were created. 

My friends: The ballot-box is the ark of our 
Covenant with liberty. Pollute it with fraud, 
or learn to look on it with contempt, or fail to 
rally to its defence when assailed, and you 
have taken the first step in your decline from 
power; and the historian is now living who may 
write your fall from among the nations of the 
eai-th. When you degrade that common right, 
or permit it to be degraded by others, you are 
no longer worthy the protection of Providence, 
for having had the knowledge of good and evil 
placed before you, you will have deliberately 
thrown away the one so full of health and po- 
litical life, to take up that which is deadly poi- 
son to the State. It is the holiest and highest 
political right, without which there is no liber- 
ty, no hope for the institutions of our country, 
no republican , form of government, and bj'^ 
whichever party, fraud in the act of voting is 
attempted or permitted, tha result is alike 
equally disastrous to both. Can there be a 
higher crime than that which strikes at the 
root and undermines the very foundation of 
our Government, which demoralizes the peo- 
ple, which makes a fraud of their forms, trans- 
forms the solemn rite they are performing into 
an indecent mockery, laughs at justice, and 
makes the name of Republican citizen a word 
of scorn? 

Oh that I had language that would burn in- 
to your soids the sentiments I feel on this sub- 
ject — that 1 could make yon feel as I do, that 
this great evil, unchecked by popular indigna- 
tion, will prove a frost which will nip our bud- 



ding greatness just as surely as that of heaven 
shrivels and sears, and withers the autumn 
leaves around us. Do not flatter yourselves 
that only your opponents are capable of this 
crime. We are all the same people. The dan- 
ger is that this great vice may become popular 
by our familiarity with it, and by retaliation 
in party strife; but the moment it does, both 
parties will be overwhelmed in the shock which 
will uproot the pillars ofState and bury all in- 
discriminately beneath its ruins. So deeply 
do I feel on this subject, that earnestly as I 
long for the paramount success of our party, I 
declare to you to-night, I would expose as wil- 
lingly a Republican as a Democrat detected in 
so vile a crime; and if by a single fraudulent 
vote I could turn the balance, as it hung ni 
even poise, to our side, 1 would not do it. 1 
call upon both parties; I appeal to all to exert 
their utmost influence to cure this deadly can- 
cer which is the loathsomest sore upon our na- 
tional body, and which, unchecked, will bring 
us down in suffering, sorrow and disgrace to 
our national grave. 

Now it is against the sale of such Indulgences 
we protest. We protest against the repudia- 
tion of the debt. We protest against any form 
of human slavery, and against all forms of nul- 
lification, and we preach the old democratic 
doctrine, that "The Union must and shall be pre- 
served." That is all I know as to the reason 
why we did not keep the name of Democracy 
with us, instead of its principles. 

A word ;is to religion. Let no one suppose 
I have intended disrespect to the Catholic faith. 
1 know too much of history for that, and have 
too much respect for all Christian religions, to 
wish, think, or speak hai'm of any of them; and 
the Catholic church has furnished too many 
good and illustrious men to the world, that any 
man of sense should treat it with disrespect; but 
the illustration I have used came unbidden to 
my minil, and I hope I have done no harm with 
it. 1 do not believe any religion should have 
too much power, because power in religion, as 
well as elsewhere becomes a tyranny, when un- 
checked by opposition, and permitted as a mo- 
nopoly — and so it is with political parties. 
I would not, if I could, confine the State 



to a single party. TJioy have, like the trees 
of the forest, their btuls, tlieir blossoms, and 
their fruit. Your old Democratic party was 
a sturdy oak— a giant of the forest— l>nt time 
touched it, and its branches withered. It 
grew hollow-hearted and rotten, until, at last, 
the life-giving sap— that blood of trees— only 
circulated on its Southern side, it was be- 
coming dangerous, that old oak— many of its 
limbs began to fall, aiul to ciush !)eneath tliem 
the people they should have sheltered; so we set 
a i-ail-splitter at work to cut it down, and the 
only use we can make of the remainder is to 
give the venerable bai-k to a tannei-. Too long 
a possession of power by a political paiiy makes 
them tyraimous and forgetful of their oi-iginal 
principles. These principles are then taken 
up, at first by a patriotic few, a reformation 
commences, and in a republic a reformation is 
always successftd. This is precisely what has 
happened to the Democratic pai-ty. Years of 
power made it insolent and rebellious in 1S60, 
and it is about to be finally beaten, overtlirown, 
and I'eformeil in 1808. 

But 1 must restrain myself, and remember 
that I am called l)efore you, to-night, not to in- 
dulge my fancy with new themes, but to repeat 
to you those of a former occasion. Nor can I 
imagine a more enviable position, nor one bet- 
ter calculated to fill a speaker with gi'atified 
pride, than to be siuTounded, as I am, by friends 
and neighbors, and relations, the companions 
of my home, who have paid me the compliment 
to ask an expression of my opinion, as much, 
I trust, from paitiality to the speaker, as for 
the matter spoken. Pausing, then, no longer 
than to congratulate you on our late brilliant 
successes— which I do most heartily— and to 
reiterate the fact, that no victory is complete 
until the last armed foeman has laid down his 
arms, I shall pursue my promise to renew for- 
mer arguments, asking from you in return 
however, that you will demand fi'om our op- 
ponents, in November, an "luiconditional sur- 
render." 

AMien a question of such importance as the 
election of a President is before the people, it 
becomes the duty of every individual to vote, 
not with regard to the party feeling which would 



influence him on ordinary occasions, but in ac- 
cordance will] convicLions'drawn from facts pre- 
sented by the condition of national all'airs, and 
deliberate reflection on them. This is the duty 
of a good citizen, at all times, but more espe- 
cially at this moment, when we have arrived at 
a crisis in our public afiairs, on which depend 
the welfare and permament prosperity of our 
country, and, as 1 solemnly believe, even its 
unity as a nation. 

The issues presented for your consideration 
are those of Progress —National Integrity — 
Indivisibility of the Union, and Loyalty to the 
cause of Republican Institutions, by the Re- 
publican party; and, on the other hand, by your 
opponents, Anarchy — a backward march in 
Civilization — a return to the old mismanage- 
ment of a Slave-holding Aristocracy — Disloy- 
alty to the Government — Destruction of Pub- 
lic Credit by dishonest repudiation of Nation- 
al Obligation, and, lastly, Civil War. 

I take it for granted, the most radical ration- 
al Democrat will admit, that when they charge 
the Republican party with the responsibility of 
bringing on the late war of the Rebellion, they 
know it is false; and, without going into any 
discussion on the subject, I am wilhng to rest 
upon the solemn asseveration of what all Demo- 
crats will consider good authority, the publicly 
expressed opiniou of the Vice President of the 
Confederacy — Alexander H. Stephens — who, 
at Atlanta, Georgia, before the assembled peo- 
ple, then discussing their treason, defied any 
man to point to a single instance in which 
Southern rights had been denied by the North. 
The part of the war our party is responsible 
for, was, from its commencement by Rebels, 
to Its victorious close by Republican armies. 
We made ourselves resijonsible for its vigorous 
prosecution, during four years, for the salvation 
of the country. In fact, secession was the re- 
sult of a long preconceived and preconcerted 
plan, which had its source and fountain-head 
away back in the days of Nullification, and its 
success was predicated on Northern lack of 
courage and military spirit. 

But the war and who began it, are things of 
the past. Its result we know and feel. We 
came out of it free from the ciu'se of slavery, 



and 1 only wish we had fought it for that ex- 
press and particular purpose. 

That our expenses were enormous during 
that long and bloody struggle, is true, and that 
it has left us a debt and burthen and necessity 
of taxation, which but for it we would never 
have known is equally true; but what would 
Democrats demand of us? Was it expected 
we could prosecute a four years war, with 
armies in the field such as the world had 
never seen before — operating at the distant ex- 
tremities of a continent apart — created out of 
the imminent necessities of the moment in the 
desperate condition of the country, without in- 
curring a debt? How was such an unforeseen 
and gigantic war to be conducted on any pos- 
sible system of economy? Economy comes 
from system, system from experience — our 
war had no parallel in history, consequently 
no system. To-day a battle fought afar off 
on the distant frontier of Ne w Mexico, in de- 
fence of cities whose very names are foreign 
to your ears. To-morrow another in Florida, 
the next another in Virginia. To-day, the 
whole country in gloom and despair at defeat 
on the Potomac, and to-morrow a small ray 
of hope from Donelson. 

When I look back and consider the unpre- 
pared condition of our people, the inexperi- 
ence of our rulers, and the wide-spread con- 
sternation which seized on all, at the over- 
whelming events, which like the great tidal 
wave that preceded the late earthquake in 
Peru, seemed about to engulf us, I stand 
amazed and awed at the evident interposition 
of the hand of God to save us from destruc- 
tion, and at the patriotism, and genius, and 
nerve, and valor of his chosen instruments, 
which in the midst of all this panic, and con- 
fusion, and disaster stood firm and steady, 
and out of the glcjomy labyrinth of war found 
us a path to the broad and cheerful highways 
of Peace. And yet Democrats talk to us of 
debt and taxes! Whj\ of course we have a 
debt and taxes; and how would they have 
carried on the war? 

If one might judge from their standard- 
bearer's actions, they would have joined the 
South in separating this country into half a 



dozen dilTerent Republics, and a nice mess 
they would have made of it! I should like to 
know how any member of this assembly would 
feel to-day without the American flag over 

him. And yet. that we are one and united 

though sorely bruised and l)ufieted, still a na- 
tion—we owe to the war we fought, to keep 
us so, and if debt and taxatirm came of our 
necessities, we mortgaged the whole country 
for the payment, ami we will pay it too, every 
dollar. Could the Democratic party have 
fought the war for less? Why, by the time 
poor old Ml-. Buchanan had found authoi-ity 
in his law books to put down rebellion, Jeff. 
Davis would liave been in Boston, and his co- 
oonspirator, Toombs, have fulfilled liis arro- 
gant boast of calling his slave roll from Bun- 
ker Hill. 

Yes, the taxes are gi'eat we Mill admit, but 
if they were as oppressive as the Domocrats 
say, our resources are vast— incredible, pro- 
• ligious! But are the poor, as Democrats tell us, 
so frightfully oppressed? Then why are we 
constantly receiving such thousands and thou- 
sands of emigrants. Emigration does not flow 
iuto a poverty-stricken and oppressed country; 
on the contrary it flies from tliose evils to bet- 
ter its condition in one of fruitfulness and 
prosperity. From Qerrnauy alone we are to 
receive in thecoming spring 180,000 emigrants. 
Does any intelligent man believe that we, as 
a party, desire to oppress the poor, asJDemo- 
cratic leaders are every\^ere asseiling? What 
object would we have? The weight and bur- 
then of taxation falls chiefly on the rich; and 
the laboi'er has never been better oft than at 
the present time. It is the luxuries and su- 
perfluities of the wealthy which beai- the brunt 
of taxation. The Government will raise 330,- 
000,000 of dollars by taxation this year, it is 
true, but how? $160,000,000 is by taxing fo- 
reign imports, which tax protects you in your 
domestic manufactures, aiid frees you from 
foreign competition. Would you manufac- 
turers like this removed? $170,000,000 is rais- 
ed by internal revenue of which $35,000,000 is 
from income tax receipts. Now, no man pays 
a dollar of income tax until he has first de- 
ducted all the expenses of his business, and 



has therefrom, over and above a clear, unin- 
cumbered one thousand dollars a year, so this 
cannot oppress the poor; and so in running 
over the entire list, you will flndtliatof all this 
vast sum the luxui'ies of the rich are taxed to 
furnisii tlie most of it, and only about seventy 
millions are raisedfroni taxing necessities com- 
mon to all the people. Whisky pays about 
sixty millions, and tobacco about twenty, and 
these witli the stamp tax, the tax on gold and 
silver plate, places of amusement and indul- 
gence. National Banks, cVrc, not one of which 
aliect or concern the poor man, make up this 
monstrous opi)ression of the poor, of which 
our opponents are continually speaking, and 
by which they are endeavoring to delude the 
ignorant among the people. Against this fair 
and equal system let us place the abominable 
and monstrous proposition of Democracy to 
tax every thing at its real value, so that a bar- 
rel of ale for the rich man v/ould be subject to 
the same tax as the poor man's barrel of flour. 
Let me ask you, how would you like to see 
the same tax applied to milk which is assessed 
on whisky, your cluu'ch taxed just as the ne- 
gro minstrels, in fact, every luxury, entirely 
useless to the laborer, taxed like bread and 
salt, and every positive need taxed like a lux- 
ury? Here is the resolution — it speaks for 
itself, and tells its own story; 

"Resolved, That we demand the equalization of 
everyspeclesof property according to its real value, 
including Government bonds and securities." 

Why, under its monstrous demands, we 
should be obliged to alter the form of our com- 
mon prayer, and while we asked humbly for 
our daily bread, we should have to add, a sup- 
plication that ])oniuci-ats should not be per- 
mitted to tax it. 

But we admit the debt, and ask what will 
you do with it? Is it fair — is it honest— is it 
decent to complain of a del)t which has secur- 
ed us unity as a nation, and which ten years 
hence will be liquidated by honesty in the or- 
dinary development of our resources? 

Let me take such a one with me across this 
boundless continent of ours. Let me show' 
him what only those can appreciate who have 
seen the enormous untouched and undevelop- 



ed wealth which as yet has not even been 
mapped, and but partially explored. Let me 
say to him, that but a few years ago 1 explor- 
ed a region marked upon our best maps as un- 
inhabitable or unexplored desert. Let me eu- 
deavor to imbue him with my feelings — as with 
a few friends, who were filled with forebodings 
of the gloomiest nature — on the confines of civi- 
lization, and who had followed me there to 
say farewell, we stood on a mountain ridge, 
bending our eyes into that unknown land, with 
the map laid out at our feet, and its ominous 
unexplored desert marked across its face. 

As the sun went down they bade us good- 
bye and departed. As the sun rose we took it 
on our backs and marched until we found it in 
our faces. Days, weeks, months, a year, we 
were buried in that solitude; but 1 can point 
him now to cities, towns, hamlets, mills, or- 
chards, farms. I can show him there a wealth 
of minerals such as Aladdin's lamp never dis- 
played to its happy possessor— a wealth of agri- 
culture such as even this favored county can- 
not boast, and a people as active, as brave and 
as intelligent as ever earned their bread by the 
sweat of their brow. 

But a few years ago California was unknown, 
and now she exports wheat and flour to the 
^ farthest ends of the world, and besides an 
amount of gold and silver which seems incred- 
ible to those who have not seen it hauled in 
diay loads, like pig iron to the vaults of San 
Francisco banks, as 1 have; and she is o^jen- 
ing her arms to that rich commerce of the 
East which has made the wealth of every na- 
tion that possessed it. California with its 750 
miles of sea coast, and forty millions acres of 
arable land— an agricultural area which exceeds 
in extent that of Great Britain and Ireland 
combined; and, in addition to this vast amount 
of tillable land, forty millions acres of mineral 
land, holding within its bosom untouched, mil- 
lions of hidden treasure, which science, labor 
and enterprise, are daily discovering and add- 
ing to our national wealth, from which source 
has already been added to our prosperity from 
that State alone since 1848, $1,000,000,000 of 
dollars. And Nevada, a State many of you 
have scarcely heard of, but whose development 



of the precious metals has thrown on the world 
from a single argentiferous lode neai-ly $75,000,- 
000, and with its capital city of 25,000 people 
which in 186:] was the site of a digger Indian 

camp. 

Here we have on that Pacitic slope an agri- 
cultural capacity, according to a late official 
report, adequate to the snpportof one hundred 
millions of inhabitants, and an annual gold 
product, the aggregate of which, since 1848, is 
estimated at a thousand and one hundred 
million of dollars. xVnd after having lavished 
on every charity and educational project, and 
in donations to enterprises of national value, 
millions of acres of public land, we have yet 
remaining 1,414,507,574.96. What a noble 
heritage! And as yet we have scarcely began 
its exploration and the development of its 
wond'rous wealth and beauty, its greatest 
river reaching out and touching the sources of 
the Columbia on the one side, and the Mis- 
souri on the other, flowing almost from the 
parallel of 45° north into tropical Mexico, is 
scarcely known to you by name, the Colo- 
rado. Loox< at this map, which I picked up 
by chance last night. It is the great outline 
of your estate. See how it stretches from the 
Arctic to the Tropics— from ocean to ocean, 
and then tell me you are willing to repudiate 
a mill of the deljt which preserved it for you 
and your children. 

AnA there is Oregon, and Arizona, and 
Utah, and New Mexico, and idaho, and Mon- 
tana, and Nebraska, and Dakota, and Colora- 
do, and Wyoming, all inviting, with their vir- 
gin soil and teeming mineral treasures, the ag- 
riculturist and the miner, who are flocking in 
thousands from the shores of Europe, to fill 
these vacant lands with thrifty people— men 
who win bring with them the arts and manu- 
factures of their native land, to beautify, en- 
rich and utilize this vast wilderness. Men say 
to me : "You must know that country well ; 
you have passed so much of your fife there." 

No! I do not know it. Twenty years in 
traversing it and in its study, have taught me 
how vast that domain is, and how impossible 
any one man should ever know it. Many life- 
limes of many men, carefully devoted to it from 



youth to age, would not suffice. When 1 look 
back at my explorations, the lines, in cotuyari- 
sou with this gi-eat continent we Americans 
own, seem lilce cobwebs on the dome of our 
Capitol at Washington. 

Talk to me abuut repudiating one mill uf the 
debt or the interest on it, which kept this great 
teri'itoi'y together, under one Governmetrt for 
our children's cliildren !— to me, who have seen 
the vast, illimitable extent of glorious and fer- 
tile hill and dale, fiuitful plains and mineral- 
bearing mountains, yet to be peopled by our 
descendants, who must not and shaU not blush 
for our action in this matter. What will the 
debt be to the millions who will come from 
abroad to settle this vast region, and draw foith 
the treasures of this wilderness, and who will 
have founded popidous cities in the most hid- 
den recesses of those solitudes, before thistlebt 
is due ? What will it be to those who will have 
extracted ten times its amount, a few years 
hence, from the savage ravines of the Sierra 
Nevada, or the deep valleys of the llocky 
Mountains? To-day, the debt is not much 
over fifty dollars a head to our population, 
what will it be a generation hence ? 

No ! we will not repudiate a cent of our 
debt as long as there is an honest carpet-bag- 
ger of us leit to pay it; and what is more, we 
carpet-baggers will not starve while we are 
about it. I have a lecollection of some an- 
cient carpet-baggers mentioned in the ^scrip- 
ture, who went out int9 tbe land of Canaan 
and took it and possessed it, and I have no 
doubt they paid every shekel of theii- national 
debt out of the proceeds of their enterprise, as 
we will ours. 

Why, what foolish men these Southern De- 
mocrats are to talk of driving out carpet-bag- 
gers. Do they know that these men are the 
brains, money, energy and enterprize of the 
North, and that from them is to come the re- 
generation of the South. Do they know it is 
to them they are to look for masons, machin- 
ists, engineers, their farmers and all that goes 
to make a country valuable? It is the exam- 
ple of these men, and their teachings which 
will show the young southern hotspur that 
true greatness does not consist in idleness at 



the Cross Roads tavern, or in quarter-races 
between half-starved mustangs, or in duelling 
over disputes at a cock figlit, oi- in that sort ot 
chivah-y which goes about at midnight with a 
mask and sJieet, and with a childish, stupid, 
wicked foruiula cutting the throats of inolien- 
siveold negro preachers and defenceless school- 
masters. The prosperity of England was laid 
in its foundation by carpet-baggefs. It was 
the Flemish carpet-baggei- who carried them, 
to escape the tyranny of Charles V. the know- 
ledge of weaving cloth, and his industrious 
and frugal habits. The Plymouth fathei's at 
the JSorth were carpet-baggers, and so were 
the Huguenots of the South, and so are all 
who found new States by enterprize, courage 
and skill. 

Every living thing that came out ot the Ark 
was a carpet-bagger, except the elephant, and 
the Democrats have bought one of his lineal 
descendants, and have him on hand now with 
an aristocratic trunk full of Jeff. Davis's cast- 
oH clothing. > 

I by no means say or, believe, that every 
Democrat is a rebel. Too many laid down their 
lives for the Union for that; but I do say, 
without fear of contradiction, that every rebel 
is a Democrat, and that is sufficient to cause 
a suspicion in the minds of thinking men as 
to who will iiile the party. Can any one 
point to a dozen of their leaders who are not 
stained and tainted with uurepented treason? 
Are Vallandigham, and Forrest, and Semmes 
fit associates for men who love this Union? 
Are not their designs as disloyal as ever, and 
does not the Democratic party re-echo and 
endorse their sentiments? Here is a specimen 
of the language they use, taken from the Mo- 
bile (Alabama) Tribune, a very high Southern 
Democratic authority: — 

"If we are successful in the approacliinc contest 
we shall rogaui all that we have lost in itha 'Lost 
Cause. We shall be freemen once more. We 
suau be able to reverse the iron rule which has 
been imposed upon us, and turning that iron into 
bramls-oi hre. hurl them back on the heads of the 
Hagitious wretches who have inflicted so manvfoul 
and flagrant wrongs on our bleeding countrv- Once 
more to the breach, then— yet once more! And 
when the cloud shall have cleared away from the 
flaming field, our flag-the grand old Confederate 
flag-will be seen in all it-- glory, streaming like 
the. thunderbolt against the wind. Let us then 
rally once more around the dear old plas, which 



we have followed so often to glory and to victory. 
Let us plant our standard in the niidst of the hold, 
and let us once more raise the war cry: ' He who 
doubts is damned; he who dallies is a dastard.' " 

And here is what Seiumes, the Pii'ate says, 
in a speech at Mobile, Ahibasna: — 

"I have been a Democrat all my life — before the 
war, during the war, and since the war — and fought 
the war on principles of Democracy, and as such 
I drew my sword against the old flag. * * 

The grand old Democratic party has risen from 
the long slumber in which it has indulged, and 
now gives signs of new life and vitality, and I have 
come here to-night from the country to ratify and 
rejoice with vou in the nomination of .Sevmour a7id 
Blair." 

I ask honest Democrats if they can afford to 
be led by such men as these. And now, what 
do they propose to do, conjointly — the South- 
ern rebel, and the Northern democrat? They 
pi'opose to turn back eight re-constructed 
States which the measures of Congress have 
just rescued from all the confusion into which 
their rebellion had plunged them, and which the 
magnanimity of their conquerors have again 
admitted to their representation in Congress. 
They propose, I say, to turn these back again 
into all the chaos, confusion and crime from 
Avhich they have just been plucked like a brand 
from the burning. 

How can any one hesitate in his choice be- 
tween the men offered for his suffrage? 1 am 
no hero worshipper, or believer in the infalli- 
bility of any man, except the Pope, but I take 
men as I find them. I find Mr. Seymour a 
gentleman of unexceptionable moral character 
but a man who has always been cold to the 
cause of the Union, ready always to measure 
his loyalty by the prospect of success for or 
against the cause. When the Union seemed 
lost he was willing to hasten its downfall by 
encouraging riots against the draft. When it 
seemed to have a brighter hope, he yielded a 
cold support — but I challenge any man to pro- 
duce a single warm, whole-hearted, generous 
act of self-sacrificing support of his during the 
entire rebellion. 

As for Grant, who shall speak his praise in 
befitting terms? All know him by his works. 
There they stand, the imperishable labors of a 
patriot. He can well afford to be silent whose 
works speak so eloquently for him. He might 
well say with the Grecian warrior of centuries 
ago: "I cannot play upoti the flute, but I can 



take a city." Against his great deeds your op- 
ponents place what they call the statesmanship 
of Mr. Seymour. To uiy mind this talk of state- 
craft is utterly beneath the notice of reflecting 
men. Who taught state-craft to Cromwell, 
England's greatest statesman? He lived the 
life of a plain country farmer, until past the 
age of forty, and then raised England to a 
height of political power she never knew or 
dreamed of before his administration of her 
afiairs. Who taught Washington state-craft, 
and who schooled Andrew Jackson and Lin- 
coln in the subtle art of diplomacy? Believe 
me, my friends, the man who can govern a 
dozen armies in the field, with all their com- 
plex movements, any one of which by miscar- 
riage ruins all, can as well govern a state. It 
is common sense, wedded to integrity, and an 
inflexible determination to do justice and en- 
force it, which makes a statesman in this 
country. The days when every diplomatic 
note was a lie intended to cover and conceal 
an intention, are passed forever with us. All 
that does well enough in Europe among kings, 
where chicanery and fraud are the rule; but, 
thank God, America can afibrd to say the 
thing she means, and do it. And, after all, in 
times of great public distress and doubt, to 
whom do the people look for support and help? 
Is it to the crafty dealer in words, whose nice- 
ly adjusted syllables bear a double meaning in 
every line, or is it to the strong soldier whose 
name is a tower of strength to the nation. 

In the event of a war with England, growing 
out of the Alabama claims, or any other, would 
you prefer Mr. Seymour to lead you, or General 
Grant ? We are indebted to Democrats for 
an absurd idea, which has been widely circu- 
lated in Southern and Northern Democratic cir- 
cles, of Grant's designs to put himself at the 
head of this Government permanently, if elect- 
ed, by the power he would have with the army. 
I take this slander to be a direct insult to com- 
mon sense. Is it likely, if he had ever known 
so little of the genius and spirit of this people 
as to entertain that idea for a single instant, he 
would not have seized the moment when, at' 
the head of the gi-eat armies of the Republic, 
he closed his victorious career at Richmond, 



lO 



with tlie surrender of Lee ? But what, on the 
contrary, was the case ? After a succession of 
victories such as no man since the world 
began— neitiier PhiUp, nor Alexander, nor 
Cttjsar, nor Charlemagne, nor Napoleon — had 
ever gained, he quietly threw off his uni- 
form and sought refuge from the enthusias- 
tic embraces of the people he had saved, in the 
happy domestic circle of his family. And when 
he reappeared on the theatre of public affairs, 
it was to disband those magnificetit batallions, 
and commence the retrenchment of our ex- 
penses. 

I do not know him. I jiever saw General 
Grant but once. I remember it well. Some 
dozen of us met every evening at a prominent 
hotel in San Francisco, before going to a Ball 
Court for exercise. I once saw, sitting on one 
side, a quiet, unobtrusive officer, who seemed 
absorbed in thought. I said to a companion, 
an officer, also, Dick, who is that? Oh, 
said he, that is only Sam Grant. He can't play 
ball. Years afterwards I came to comprehend 
he knew more of the game of ball than any 
man living, and played it better and for higher 
stakes— the life or death of a nation. How 
little I then thought as I glanced at that plain, 
silent, quiet looking man, his name would one 
(lay send a thrill of enthusiastic delight through 
that same city by the sea. How little I then 
thought his name would go up to Heaven 
in the prayers of hundreds of thousands, 
Whose joy sought the worship of God as a re- 
lief for overpowering feelings of gratitude for 
a country saved. 

Day by day, we heard of the war on that far 
off coast. At one time, to use a California 
expression, when our hearts were down in 
our boots, came Donelson and unconditional 
surrender — then a pause — the telegraph didn't 
work — then came disasters thick and fast — 
w6 grew sick and nervous with hope deferr- 
ed. The morning papers were read in secret. 
The Union man read them, but made no com- 
ment to his wife. She read them after he had 
left for work or business, and with many bitter 
tears. The Union seemed lost. Gloom and 
despondency were our daily guests. When 
we met Democrats, as all the Soutliern men 



called themselves — and there was a good few of 
them out there — we pulled our huts over our 
eyes to escape their malignant taunts. One 
morning, Ah! don't 1 remember it, we open- 
ed the paper. It was headed in unaccustomed 
capitals — "Great Victory, Battle of Shiloh — 
Grant leads a charge of 5000 men !" 

1 must be dead and buried before I forget 
the emotions of that day. Union men held 
up their heads once more, and they never 
lowered them again. We felt then we had an 
arm to lean on strong enough to bear the 
strain. Vicksburg and Chattanooga followed, 
and finally Richmond; but after Vicksburg 
we kuew rebellion was dead, l)ecause Grant 
lived. 

And now talk to me about any acts of states- 
manship of ]Mr. Seymour's, beside such works 
as these ! 

We want Peace. The country requires it. 
We have fought enough for the present; but how 
is Peace best courted? By our party, who have 
chosen it as their motto, and whose image we 
have placed among our household gods; or by 
the Democrats, whose endorsement of Blair's 
inflammatory doctrine, letters and speeches 
means civil war? 

There is a great sympathy for the South 
expressed by our opponents, who speak in 
terms of moving pathos of her poverty; but I 
tell you she is richer to-day than during any 
year of her rebellion, and her cotton crop will 
reach in value, if not in amount, in the com- 
ing year her largest yield. Let me trouble 
you to listen awhile to facts on this subject. 
I quote from an authority not likely to exag- 
gerate a statement, the New York Journal of 
Commerce: 

"ITie largest crop ot cotton ever received at 
Memphis was tliat of the year 1860. That crop 
wfis a little short of 400,000 bales. It was worth at 
an average about .fW per bale. At that rate the 
total value was about $18,000,000. 

"The crop of 1867 was in round numbers, 260,000 
bales. The crop of the present year will undoubt- 
edly largely exceed the crop" of 1860. At this 
time the crop standing on the ground is better 
than it has been for twenty years past — that is, for 
the area in cultivation. Not as large breadth of 
land is in cultivation as in years before the eman- 
cipation. It is, however, the universal, unanimous 
report of the planters that the negroes in the country 
have worked with an industry and good will never 
exceeded at any time in their history. This is true 
of the neg;oe» in the country around Memphis, 
and of which that city in the commercial market 



11 



While the worm has done much damage to the 
crop in otlier portions of the South, up to the pre- 
sent time it has not appeared in the country trad- 
ing at Memphis, and the season is now too far ad- 
Tanced for it to appear or do much damage. 

"It is, therefore, safe to estimate that the crop 
of the present year will reach as high a figure as 
300,000 bales. 

"At the present prices of cotton it is worth much 
more than ifpiOO jier hale. But at that rate, ($100 
per bale) the 300,000 bales will be worth $30,000,- 
000. In view of the present prospect as to prices, 
it seems fair to estimate that cotton will command 
through the season an average of $100 a bale." 

I cannot find anytliing very melancholy in 
tbis. Under the present system, which as 
yet is in its infancy, we have a gain of $12,- 
000,000 over tlie old slave system. This, my 
friends, Democrats and Republicans, is one of 
the lirst fruits of those abominable reconstruc- 
tion acts of the "Kump Congress of carpet- 
baggers," as Mr. Blair delights to call them. 1 
confess I have no great sympathy for the 
South. Before I can liave, another Ezekiel 
must come clothed with authority from Al- 
mighty God, and go down into her great val- 
lies and call upon the dry bones of our three 
hundred thousand men, which lay there, to 
array themselves with flesh again, and return 
to the arms and the hearths whicli their ab- 
sence has made desolate so long. 

"Rise, too, ye shapes and shadows of the Past, 

Rise from your long-forgotten graves at last; 

Let us behold your faces, let us hear 

The words ye uttered in those days of fear! 

Revisit your familiar haunts again, — 

The scenes of triumph and the scenes of pain, 

And leave the foot-prints of your bleeding feet 

Once more upon the pavement of the street." 

Peace is not only necessaiy to us, but to an- 
other nation very dear to the American heart. 
Peace to us means Freedom to Ireland. The 
joy of England over our misfortunes arose out 
of her delight tliat our troubles left that oppress- 
ed country, bound hand and foot at her feet, 
for United America is Ireland's only hope. — 
Irishmen take this to your hearts. You can 
only receive help from the unity of this nation. 
If you disturb that and elect Mr. Seymour with 
Gen. Blair's views of civil war, you strike to 
the heart the only country which has ever otter- 
ed sympathy and succoar to Ireland. 

Recall the life and labors of that great patriot 
statesman, O'Connell. Ask yourselves where 
he would stand, if the grave would give him 
up, and loosen that eloquent tongue to-day. — 
Remember his noble reply to twenty-seven 



members of Parliament, who offered him 
power for silence on the question of slavery. — 
Think of the eloquent pathos of that noble an- 
swer, worthy of the great man who uttered it: 
"Gentlemen, God knows that I have the most 
hapless constituency on whicli the sun ever set, 
but may my right hand foi'get its cunning, and 
my tongue cleave to the roof of my mouth, be- 
fore, even to help Ireland, I keep silent on the 
slave question." Irislunen, think well if the 
smooth sentences of the aristocratic Democrat 
Seymour will avail you as much for your pur- 
poses as the Republican sword of Grant. 

The most prominent of your Democratic 
leaders tells you, that whether or not you are 
successful in restoring liberty to your country, 
he hopes you will remain thei-e. I quote from 
what I have not seen denied — Mr. Blair's 
speech at St. Louis: 

Oe7itlemen: — I am with heart and soul, and heart- 
ily say, "God bless the Finnegans." [A voice — 
"Fenians, General."] I know what I am talking 
about, and I say Finnegans. [Laughter and con- 
fusion,] and I say I hope to see the cause flourish 
and ijrosper, and shall bless the day when Ireland 
is governed by Irishmen. In accomplishing this 
laudable uiidertakiug I will do all I can to assist 
you. I will place myself, if needs be, at your 
head, march with you to Staten Island, oversee 
your embarkation, will stand on the most elevated 
blutf of the coast, and, as you raise the green em- 
blem over the stars and stripes, while your steam- 
ers, under full headway, are turning their prows 
to the East, I will say, Good-by, God bless you, 

and may you he successful in your undertaking 

May you lift the British Lion outot his boo's, and 
wrest from his grasp the emerald gem of the sea; 
but whether or not you shall succeed in this en- 
deavor, may each and all of you remain in Ireland, 
or elsewhere, and never again set foot upon these 
shores. You are wanted there, and we can get 
along without you here. 

We, on tlie contrary, open our arms to re- 
ceive you, and ask you to come and share with 
us the rich treasures of that great country oi" 
which I have just spoken to you. We acknow- 
ledge your gallantry in war, and your useful- 
ness in peace, and we welcome you to our 
shores witli delight, sharing with you our 
store of blessings and prosperity, with frater- 
nal love, and offering you that highest of human 
rights — the privilege of the citizen. 

1 have spoken elsewhere of that blind adhe- 
rence to a name which holds many of your par- 
ty, but if your leaders can change their shapes 
iis readily as Pi-oteus, why may not you mus- 
ter up the nerve to do likewise. Here is what 



12 



your favorite thought of Democracy hut a 

short time since. 1 commend it to you for sober 

reflection: 

"The Democratic party of the present tlay is 
Democratic in name, and nothing else. The'old 
-Tefterson and Jackson principles have been aban- 
doned. The man who did not escape the rope by 
three hours is the antlior of all to which the Dem- 
ocatic party of the present day subscribes. It has 
not one scintilla of true Democracy to animate its 
carcass." 

I do not Ivuow what to tliink of Gen. Blair. 
Personally, 1 have the higliest regard for liim, 
but his political course is a riddle far beyond 
my power to read. You all remember he was 
here a few short years ago, pleading witli real 
eloquence tlie cause of the "Carpet-bag Govern- 
jnent" of Kansas, and was then the head and 
iront of abolitionism, and popular credence 
gives him the credit as Kearney's Attorney 
(reneral of New Mexico, the drawing of that 
code which gave to every male of legal age 
1 lie privilege of voting, negroes included. P^rom 
his noble and generous nature I should think 
no one more likely to have drawn an instru- 
ment of that kind. 

Xow we tind him opposing with bitter vio- 
lence his own former doctrines. Xor does he 
h.'sitate to avow his intentions if elected and 
placed in power, to array against the will of 
the people, as heretofore expressed by the Con- 
gress of the United States, the power of the 
President. Here is what he says: 

■'There is but one way to restore the Govern- 
ment and the Constitution, and that is for the 
President elect to declare these acts null and void, 
compel the army to undo its usurpations at the 
South, disperse the carpet-bag State governments, 
allow the people to reorganize thyir own govern- 
ments, and elect Senators and Representatives." 

But this can only be done Ijy an appeal to 
arms, and whence would he recruit his array? 
^Vould it be from the veterans of Grant, whose 
wounds are yet green and whose scars are not 
yet healed, that he would expect to draft the 
regiments to destroy the Government they have 
perilled their lives a thousand times to save? — 
1 can imagine a regiment pursuing its march 
under his orders to destroy this country, and 
c.(jming suddenly in view of the lofty column 
which rears its stately liead to mark the graves 
i)f their comrades who fell at Gettysburg! I 
think I see their sparkling eyes and hear the 
moimting murmur of their indignation rise to 



a roar of irrepressible wrath which would shake 
that great pillar to its Ijase, as tliey renoiuiced 
the errand they had been despatchdl on by a 
madman. 

1 think I see that reginient halted, and scat- 
tered in groups over that hallowed spot, drums 
and fifes thrown to the ground, arms with their 
bright bayonets stacked in pyramids of steel at 
intervals, and groups of soldiers in quiet so- 
berness viewing the landscape now so peace- 
fully spread out before them, and listening 
to some old grizzled sergeant, who, tall and 
strong, though rough with many a rugged 
wound, leans thoughtfully on his musket, and 
tell the story of that stricken field. "There,'* 
he says, stretching out his hand, "off where 
that curling smoke marks the village, the gal- 
lant Reynolds fell. Here, away to the left, the 
noble Howard lost that good right arm, and 
here where the i-ebel surge came rolling on to 
break upon our bayonet points, beneath that 
lofty cliff, I saw the rebel Armistead fall, a hun- 
dred yards in advance of all his column; and 
when that furious wave of war receded, I saw 
amidst the blood, and smoke, and carnage, 
where it broke, the surgeons carving off the leg 
of gallant Dan Sickles, while all around, thick 
as leaves in autumn, lay our Union dead. — 
And here, standing upon their sacred graves, 
and beneath the shadow of that grand column 
a grateful country raised to mark this modern 
Marathon, 1 call upon you, soldiers of the army 
of the United States, to renew your vows to 
keep holy that which our comrades died to save 
— the Union and Constitution of our country." 

No. The recruits for such an army must 
be drawn from the barbarous hordes of Lee 
and Davis, who would find in it congenial em- 
ployment and a more extended field for Ku- 
Klux chivalry. The only theory by which to 
reconcile Blair's previous with his present ac- 
tion, is that he is one of those Quixotic knights 
who always feel bound to fight on the weakest 
side, atid on this hypothesis I admit he has 
cliosen the weakest possible to conceive. Nev- 
ertheless he has fought for the Union bravely, 
and now, I remember, as strengthening my 
theoiy, he did that, too, when the Union was 
the weakest side; and so for the good he has 



18 



done, and in recognition of his principle of al- 
ways fighting on the weak side, we may pray, 
God bless him, and that we may never be so 
weak as to need him on our side again. 

On the contrary, and opposed to this noble 
but gallant and misguided Quixote, we have 
the calm, dehberate, consistent Colfax — a man 
whose course, so mild but firm, so decided yet 
courteous, so marked with abilily, yet so mod- 
est, and so entirely Democratic in the best 
sense of that word, that even i)olitical oppo- 
nents confess his ability, and slander and ca- 
lumny forget their vocation, whenever his 
name is mentioned. 

1 have detained you quite as long as I have 
any right to on this occasion, and I thank you 
for your attention. I have no ends to gain by 
the success of the Republican party in this po- 
litical campaign, nor a single aspiration of any 
political character. I am influenced by no 
other interest than that which I share with 
those of my political belief everywhere, that 
the welfare of our whole country demands the 
success of our party in the coming election. If 
the Democratic party is successful, I feel and 
fear we are to have long years of trouble and 
dissension which will test every link in the ca- 
ble which binds us together, and most likely 
culminate in civil war. 

I forsee additional complications, debts and 
taxation — stagnation of trade, which is just be- 
ginning to revive and seeking again its wonted 
channels of success, and, finally. Republican In- 
stitutions, betrayed by the Iscariot kiss of 
Southern Rebels, crucified between thieves, 
while kings, and princes, and nobles scoft' and 
jeer at the miserable failure of the people to 
govern themselves. 



On the other hand, I believe, if the Repub* 
lican party is successful, the Reconstruction 
laws and all others will be fairly and justly ad- 
ministered. Foreign nations will respect and 
fear us. White-winged commerce will again 
revisit us and carry our flag with honor to the 
most distant seas. Manufactures and domestic 
industries of all kinds will be stimulated by an 
immense increase of emigration. The East — 
that land of early civilization and mystery — 
that land of old Romance — the land of the 
Arabian Nights, of Ali Baba and Hassan, and 
Alraschid — whose commerce, like the flood of 
its great river, has fertilized and enriched with 
overflowing wealth the nations it has favored; 
trafiic which has made the remotest ends of 
the earth its tribuataries, and raised monuments 
to its ancient value which remain, to our days, 
in the ruins of Baalbek, of Palmyra, of Tyre 
and Sidon, Cairo and Alexandria will pour its 
golden treasures into our lap. 

And finally, after long years of trial and tribu- 
lation — for all these things require the soften- 
ing influences of time, as well as just govern- 
ment — I foresee our country mistress of the 
world abroad, and happy and united in brothei'- 
ly love at home ! 

""Who shall then declare 
The date of thy deep founded strength, or tell 
How happy in thy lap the sons of man shall 
dwell." 
Then, when every cloud shall have cleared 

from our political horizon, and your great lead- 
er, too, shall have passed away, and like some 
gorgeous sunset, left only the radiant halo of his 
glory behind, a grateful people will raise a 
mighty pyramid, tall and solid as that of the 
Egyptian Cheops, and dedicate it, with bles- 
sings, to Graxt, the Peacemaker, eighteenth 
President of the United States. 



T. 8. WALTBB, 7KIKTBB, OHKSTSB, FA. 



LIBRftRY OF CONGRESS 



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013 786 509 9 



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